Every Woman Institute Launches the Safer Sooner Report


Elizabeth Blackney, elizabeth@everywoman.org

(Seattle) Today, February 20, 2020, the Every Woman Institute releases its first-ever Safer Sooner Report

“For many women around the world, there is no easy path to justice. Laws, government systems, and social norms favor perpetrators. In courtrooms, media, communities, and homes across the world, female victims of violence are often blamed, ignored, and not believed, entrenching the world in a system of silence  and impunity.

“The international community has come together to solve the problem through various instruments, including regional treaties, recommendations to the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), and treaties specific to a certain form of violence, such as torture and trafficking. The lack of a binding global framework specific to violence against women and girls has resulted in a patchwork of protection with wide normative, geographical, and enforcement gaps in women’s safety.

“The supermajority of the world’s women lack access to a treaty that specifically addresses violence against women. 

“Over the last six years, from 2013 to 2019, the Every Woman Global Working Group engaged in a global, inclusive dialogue on the need for a treaty and conducted deep analysis of the existing legal framework with members of the Every Woman coalition and additional experts. The global consultation found that a binding global norm would close the existing normative, geographic, and implementation gaps in women’s security, as well as provide global backup to existing mechanisms, and create a framework at the highest level of international law in which all entities, from governments to civil society to the UN, could work together to eradicate this human rights crisis.”


For additional information or to schedule interviews with the Authors of the Safer Sooner Report, please The Authors and CEO Lisa Shannon, MPA are available for interviews. Languages include: Arabic, English, French, Hindi, Russian, and Spanish. Please reach out to Elizabeth Blackney at elizabeth@everywoman.org for more information, or call/WhatsApp +1 646 818 0145. Biographies are below. 

Authors’ languages include: Arabic, English, French, Hindi, Russian, and Spanish. Please reach out to Elizabeth Blackney at elizabeth@everywoman.org for more information, or call/WhatsApp +1 646 818 0145. Biographies are available upon request.

Authors of the Safer Sooner Report:

Dr. Eleanor Ann Nwadinobi Founder, Widows Development Organization and President, Medical Women’s International Association; Every Woman Steering Committee Co-Chair, Nigeria

Languages: English

Francisco Rivera Juaristi, JD Director, International Human Rights Clinic, Santa Clara Law School; Every Woman Steering Committee, Puerto Rico

Languages: English, Spanish

Marina Pisklákova-Parker, PhD Founder and Chair of the Board, Center for the Prevention of Violence - ANNA, coordinating center for a network of 150 organizations, Russia

Languages: English, Russian

Hala Aldosari, PhD Women’s rights activist-scholar, Every Woman Steering Committee, Saudi Arabia/USA

Languages: English, Arabic

Meera Khana Trustee and Executive Vice President, Guild for Service; Every Woman Steering Committee, India

Languages: English, Hindi

Jane Aeberhard-Hodges Human Rights Consultant; former director, ILO Gender, Equality and Diversity, Switzerland

Languages: English, French

Meet a World Leader: The Woman Behind the ILO Treaty

In 2012, Jane Hodges set in motion an idea that led to the creation of a groundbreaking new treaty to end violence and harassment at work—the International Labour Organization’s Convention on Violence and Harassment in the World of Work. Last month, this treaty was adopted and we are proud to announce that Jane has joined us as a global advisor. Welcome Jane!

Jane’s work at the International Labour Organization (ILO) helped transform global policy and practices for women and other marginalized groups. Over a 35-year career—the last decade as Director of the Gender Equality Bureau—Jane designed and delivered programs on fundamental rights at work, in particular sex discrimination, disability inclusion, and indigenous people’s rights.

Here, she takes us inside the intricate process of how she and her colleagues at the ILO, and the world, got the treaty done—and why even with this new convention, we need a global treaty on violence against women and girls.

Every Woman: What’s the word that defines the ILO treaty?
Jane: Unique. It is the only binding global treaty that’s getting at violence against women and girls specifically. While it only covers the world of work, so one sphere, it’s huge progress. We finally got something that includes domestic violence, and the spillover of domestic violence, into the workplace. The significance of that cannot be understated, both for women and families, but also organizations and companies.

Take us through the treaty process. How’d it start?
In 2009, ILO Members held a general discussion on gender equality, part of which centered on gender-based violence and what needed to be done to stop it. So my team and I did extensive research and by November 2012, we’d amassed enough “homework” to introduce a proposal for standards on gender-based violence in the world of work. Then we got a boost. The following year, the UN Commission on the Status of Women had the need for greater protection from violence on the table. That broader debate gave credence to my work, and formed another strong argument in the pitch for a global standard.

What moved the treaty idea forward?
More research. My team looked at the World Health Organization’s research on violence against women, UN Women’s studies, and I helped design a survey on gender and harassment. We also looked at the economic cost. I presented papers throughout 2013 and 2014, so many papers! Finally, in October 2015, the ILO Governing Body made the decision to place the treaty on the conference agenda for 2018 and 2019.

Jane holding a draft of the treaty. Geneva, June 2019

You mentioned there was strong support from Member States. Any idea why?
Many reasons, but a major one was clearly the economic cost. Nations and companies were on board morally, no one denied the problem, but understanding the financial cost was, for some, a turning point. If we let violence and harassment continue, we lose money.

The legal obligation the treaty created was another reason. If we could have an international text that is solid, clear, workable, and enforceable, that would give us accountability. The legal aspect is the third leg of the stool. Moral and economic are essential, but a treaty’s binding nature holds it up. So the secretariat prepared reports for the International Labour Conference, and the first discussion took place in 2018. The second discussion last month, in June 2019, led to the adoption of Convention 190 and its accompanying Recommendation 206!

Was there ever any doubt the convention would happen?
I always knew we’d get a convention, but the general feeling was that it would be weak. The first draft text worried some delegates because it contained language on sexual orientation and gender identity. So the secretariat held an informal consultation in March 2019, two days of dialogue, [with] no report on what was said. It let people vent, and at the same time, listen to others’ points of view. It worked. At the second conference, the language changed so that it would be interpreted in accordance with international labour standards and international human rights instruments.

Was that a good compromise?
It was a necessary one.

Did it weaken the convention?
Not really. That type of language is very common in national laws. While lists of situations that give rise to a violence can be helpful because they make terms like “vulnerable groups” very concrete, the compromise was actually very clever. Relying on the language of international human rights instruments could be a plus because no group is left out, and it dovetails labour rights and human rights in a way that no one can object to.

The world votes on the ILO Convention on Violence and Harassment in the World of Work. Geneva, June 21, 2019

How will nations be held accountable?
ILO has a decades-old, tried-and-true system of supervising ratified treaties based on regular reporting to a committee of experts, and on specialised complaints procedures. If you’re not meeting the standards, you will be found out, criticized, and sanctioned. Don’t underestimate the power of international exposure. Reputation matters greatly.

The new ILO treaty joins other treaties aimed at ending violence against women. Yet a global treaty specific to violence against women and girls is still needed. Why?
The treaty landscape on violence against women has many holes. The ILO Convention, for example, is very good and specific, but it is work related. It covers your commute, but it does not cover general transportation safety—when you’re on the bus or subway coming home after night class or dinner with friends, for example. Likewise with CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women), it’s specific to discrimination, not violence. It has been interpreted to include violence, but violence is not a binding part of the document.

Along with these gaps, there’s also confusing definitions and sometimes unworkable aims. I use the analogy of a woven blanket. It’s wonderful to have a blanket of protection, but there are so many holes in the weave, it barely keeps you warm. With a global convention to end violence against women and girls everywhere, in all spheres and situations, we tighten the weave, close the loopholes. The sooner we do that, the sooner we can get on with doing what human beings do—innovate, educate, connect, thrive.

How does a treaty addressing violence against women and girls align with sustainable development goal #5?

Sometimes it’s a sister-in-law who tells a woman to obey her husband. Or an executive who pays a new female staff member a lower salary. A man who thinks he has the right to grope a woman. UN Sustainable Development Goal #5 challenges the world to achieve gender equality by 2030. Can a treaty propel the world toward this goal? Absolutely. Like few other mechanisms can. Here, we break down how the core elements of a global treaty address SDG #5’s specific targets.

SDG 5’s TargetEnd all forms of discrimination against all women and girls everywhere.
A treaty mandating that governments enact comprehensive nation reform that includes specific laws, training and national violence prevention education campaigns will provide a foundation which will jump start the essential work of shifting societal views on women.

SDG 5’s TargetEliminate all forms of violence against all women and girls in the public and private spheres and eliminate all harmful practices, such as child marriage and female genital mutilation.
A treaty will mandate that State Parties employ evidence-based interventions proven to reduce rates of violence, as well as root out core contributors of violence, including harmful laws, practices, social norms, and impunity. It will also provide a comprehensive global definition of violence against women and girls that includes all forms of violence across all ages and in all situations, and will no longer allow nations to excuse violence as personal or cultural.

SDG 5’s Target: Ensure universal access to sexual and reproductive health and reproductive rights.
We're  conducting a global consultation on what reproductive health policy might be included in this treaty. Based on current political realities, the treaty is unlikely to include abortion rights. However, we expect it to include key wins on reproductive health, or possibly an additional protocol that would be comprehensive. If you would like to participate in this consultation, let us know!

SDG 5’s TargetUndertake reforms to give women equal rights to economic resources, as well as access to ownership and control over land and other forms of property, financial services, inheritance and natural resources, in accordance with national laws.
Economic violence is a key aspect included in the treaty and will push nations to end discriminatory laws that perpetuate violence, including those that prevent women from accessing economic resources.

SDG 5’s TargetAdopt and strengthen sound policies and enforceable legislation for the promotion of gender equality and the empowerment of all women and girls at all levels.
The treaty requires nations to enact national legislation reform that includes reversing laws that perpetuate violence and creating laws that close legal gaps to women’s safety, giving women stated equal protection in the law.

In SDG 5’s other target areas, such as women’s political and economic leadership and technology, the treaty’s funding for innovative government programming and violence prevention programs (for 10–22 year olds) will help increase understanding of gender discrimination and the value of women’s work in the home and in society, furthering our chances of achieving a more equal, just and safe world for women and girls by 2030.

BRIDE TRAFFICKING IN INDIA: Empower People Builds Prevention Network with 14,000-km March

Partway into a march across India to raise awareness about bride trafficking, the crew got good news. They’d given a presentation to officers at a train station on how to identify trafficking victims, and the following day the officers rescued a girl, Sabrang India reports.

It was one of many successes of the March Against Bride Trafficking 2018, an initiative by Shafiqur Rahman Khan, the founder of Empower People and an Everywoman Working Group member. The march’s goal was to explore ways government offices, NGOs, youth groups and other stakeholders can work together to prevent bride trafficking, a collaboration Khan says is crucial for combating this rising problem.

Thousands of girls and women in India have been purchased or sold into lives of domestic or sexual slavery, and many of them are kidnapped or purchased across northern Indian states, from Assam to Himachal Pradesh, a route responsible for more than 60 percent of India’s human trafficking, including cross-border trafficking with Myanmar, Nepal, Bhutan and Bangladesh.


Courtesy: Empower People

Khan traveled the route alongside other antitrafficking activists, legal experts, psychologists and grassroots organizers. Along the way, the crew went to schools to speak with young girls, one of the most vulnerable groups to trafficking. It also held oath-taking ceremonies with the slogan “Let the girl be girl, not a bride,” and training programs with social workers in rural areas. The group also established antitrafficking civic groups across districts to assist trafficking survivors.

The march initially set out to cover 8,000 kilometers, but the group extended the route in order to meet survivors and their families in rural and forested areas. By traveling 14,000 kilometers in total, the march helped officials aid 127 trafficking survivors and identified more than 1,000 previously undocumented cases of trafficking. It also helped 13 survivors living in shelters find their families.


Courtesy: Empower People

Khan and his staff are working on a detailed report with recommendations that will be submitted to government agencies in order to help improve India’s child-protection program. Empower People, which is dedicated to preventing bride trafficking, is now planning a similar march from the northern city of Jammu to the southern state of Kerala with the goal of creating a support network for trafficking survivors across the country.


Rohingya refugees Ruvel, Rukiya and Sumaya. Women and girls make up 75 percent of all refugees and displaced people around the world, and are among the world’s most vulnerable to violence. (Photo: Roseann Dennery)

Last August, hundreds of thousands of Rohingya were violently forced from their land by the Burmese military. Sexual violence was a strategic part of the military’s brutal campaign and the risk of violence for Rohingya women and girls remains high in refugee camps. The Rohingya women face an additional challenge: statelessness. The Rohingya are not recognized by the Myanmar government and the lack of legal status complicates the search for a long-term solution. We’re proud to share that one of our partners, Medical Teams International, is on the ground providing crucial access to health care for Rohingya women, men and children. Medical Team’s CEO, Martha Newsome, and communication consultant, Roseann Dennery, recently traveled to Bangladesh to meet the women they’re serving, and they shared this story with us.

* * *

Few situations exemplify both the breadth and depth of what a refugee endures than the historic migration crisis that is unfolding in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh. The Rohingya Muslims are often considered the most persecuted minority in the world, having suffered oppression for decades under the Burmese government, which came to a critical head last August when a brutal crackdown drove hundreds of thousands over the border.

Women, children and men fled in droves, escaping the terrors of a widespread ethnic cleansing campaign that used rape, dismemberment, burning and gunfire as tools to destroy and kill. Much of the world was largely unaware until the first images of a mass exodus appeared in the news. Hundreds of thousands of people moved through “No Man’s Land,” the unclaimed territory between Bangladesh and Myanmar, desperately awaiting entry and carrying little more than their frightened children and a few belongings.

The Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar has earned the dubious title of the largest refugee camp in the world. (Photo: Roseann Dennery)

Today, most who fled live in the Kutupalong refugee camp in Cox’s Bazaar, Bangladesh, home to over a half-million Rohingyas. It’s a challenging environment. Tents and huts sit on hillsides as fragile as sandcastles. Sugar sacks serve as makeshift steps and rickety bamboo planks function as bridges over discarded bath water.  Shortly after sunrise, heavy heat settles over the camp. Women in vibrant, flowing hijabs gather water as children play in the orange dust and men haul wood.

Perhaps the cruelest reality, which seems a peripheral story line in almost any crisis of this scale, is that it is the vulnerable who are victimized the most. It is a crushing reality of our work; yet as humanitarian workers, we must harness its enormity as a motivating factor that drives what we do.

Yet in places of extreme hardship, there is one thing that can often be found: a resilient spirit. In Kutupalong, we found it the friendship of three women, Rukiya, Ruvel and Sumaya.

Our staff has built a warm relationship with Rukiya, a mother and seamstress in her mid-twenties. She smiled in recognition as we stepped into her windowless hut, lit only by a narrow beam of sunlight streaming through the door. Her children, playing outside, peered through the opening and giggled.

An antique yet carefully preserved sewing machine sat in the corner, a striking object among the other limited items. Behind the sewing machine, carefully strung fabrics stirred in the hot breeze. Rukiya’s commitment to her craft, and creating a livelihood here, was apparent.

She summoned her neighbors, who shyly ducked in. The bold colors of their headscarves brought a fanciful punctuation of life into an otherwise stark space and their faces, both warm and firm, spoke of a timeless resolve.

The bond among the three was immediately apparent as they greeted one another, took seats side by side and shared their story with us.

Rukiya arrived six months ago after a terrifying journey. Shortly thereafter, her husband married another woman, leaving her with five children. “Life is not easy,” she said. “After what we had experienced, running for our lives, to then leave your family? I will never understand this.” Ruvel took her hand and held on to it.

Ruvel’s journey was also harrowing. She spent 14 days in the forest, was shot at and separated from her family. She was unable to find them, and assumed they were dead. “It was the worst time of my life,” she said through tears. “I came here with nothing.”

Sumaya, who sat quietly on the end, nodded. “They shot my family right in front of my eyes,” she said. “They told my uncle he could go, and then they killed him.” She paused. “I will never forget that moment. His blood is on their hands. Life is very hard here, but at least it is guaranteed. Nothing was guaranteed in Myanmar.”

Sexual violence was a strategic part of the military’s brutal campaign and the scars will have lasting effects. An estimated 48,000 women will give birth in Rohingya refugee camps this year. Medical Teams has health clinics throughout the camp offering basic prenatal and postnatal care, and treating the many physical ailments plaguing refugees. A critical element of its presence is emotional care and trauma counseling; listening to the pain they have endured, offering a safe space to be heard and referring for additional services. (Photo: Roseann Dennery)

The women, already traumatized, live in constant fear of becoming victims of violence. The size of the camp invites lawlessness that makes women particularly vulnerable, especially at nightfall.

We asked what helps them to survive. “Each other,” Rukiya said without hesitation. “We need each other, it is the only way. We stick together.”

Indeed, here in the face of adversity it was clear how resilient the spirit of women, and the strength of a community of women, truly is.


At Medical Teams, we often say that every day is World Refugee Day, because bringing life-saving care to those in crisis is why we exist. As we meet the health needs of the hurting around the world, especially those who are pushed to the margins like women and children, we have the privilege of entering into the broken yet beautiful work of hope. The women we meet like Rukiya, and so many others like her, are what inspires us to live out our belief that every person matters: to God, and to us.


Standing with Rohingya Women: Nobel Women’s Initiative, in partnership with Bangladeshi women’s rights organization Naripokkho, premiered this powerful short film in June, offering an overview of the crisis and the horror of impunity.

Rohingya demonstrate the consequences of statelessness: A clear discussion of the rights of stateless people and how statelessness leads to conflict and violence.

Here’s How We End The Violence

One of the questions we’re asked most often is how a treaty addressing violence against women and girls can actually prevent violence. Good question. Violence prevention is complex, but over the last few decades, extensive research by universities, global institutions and NGOs have shown us which interventions curb violence. A new global treaty to end violence against women and girls combines these proven interventions into a comprehensive approach we call The Whole Hand Framework.

It works like this: The hand is the treaty itself—the highest form of legislation that, through the enormous political pressure treaties create, mandates that states enact national reform (the palm). The fingers represent proven strategies—laws, training, education and services. Separately, these interventions influence various factors related to violence prevention, but often work in isolation. When combined, the strategies work in concert to drastically lower rates of violence.

In other words, strong laws would be backed by training staff in the health, justice, security and service sectors, which would be supported by national campaigns and reinforced by a legal system that holds perpetrators accountable. The treaty scales it—nation by nation, across the globe, impunity ends and rates of violence plummet.

Here’s a quick look at each intervention.

  • Revamp laws, including eliminating legislation that perpetuates violence (like laws that allow rapists to avoid prosecution by marrying their victims), and closing legal gaps (such as the US’s gap in protecting girls against child marriage).
  • Train responders. Training police officers, judges, health-care providers and others in the legal and health arena can lead to increased prosecution of perpetrators and better treatment for survivors.
  • Implement prevention education campaigns. Research shows that boys’ and men’s attitudes and actions are influenced by other men. Imagine, then, the power of national campaigns featuring male pop icons, policemen or others talking about respecting women, consent, harassment and violence. School-based programs and community-based campaigns have also been successful at reducing violence. Rates of violence also plummet when women know their rights and feel empowered to demand them.
  • Offer services. Hotlines, shelters, legal advice, job training, support groups and other services ensure survivors receive treatment and protection, and have avenues for seeking justice.
  • Contribute to an implementation fund. Nations often cite lack of funding as a barrier to implementation. Following the example of the tobacco treaty, the Every Woman calls for a global investment of $1 billion–plus USD annually, with states contributing according to their ability.

Croatian Women’s Rights Groups Band Together to Ratify Istanbul Convention

Ratification is a crucial step in creating the climate for a global treaty

Women’s rights advocates dressed as women from the dystopian series The Handmaid’s Tale to call for ratification of the Istanbul Convention. Photo: Jadran Boban

In the months leading up to Croatia’s parliamentary vote on the ratification of the Istanbul Convention, Europe’s regional treaty to prevent violence against women, conservative groups launched a fierce opposition campaign. Croatia’s Bishops’ Conference, several NGOs and members of Restoring the Natural Order: an Agenda for Europe, an ultraconservative Christian network, attempted to distort the issues of violence prevention and gender identity by claiming that signing the Convention would introduce harmful gender ideology into the country and destroy Croatia’s family values.

One poster read: “I do not want to be taught at school that I am ‘it’ and not a girl” next to a picture of a girl. At press conferences, opponents repeatedly suggested that allowing for other gender identities other than “man” or “woman” would actually lead to violence because a man could say he felt like a woman, demand to use the women’s toilets and attack women. On several occasions, opponents said it was not proper for a wife to report her husband to the police.

Women’s human rights groups fought back. “We came together to explain why ratification was important,” says Sanja Sarnavka, an Everywoman Working Group member and prominent human rights activist in Croatia. The groups held protests, met with Members of Parliament (MPs), and worked with journalists to publish stories on the benefits of ratification at the forefront of the national dialogue. Sanja participated in multiple television and radio debates, and initiated a letter-writing campaign to the leaders of the Social-Democratic Party (one of Croatia’s two major political parties), signed by leaders of the most visible women’s human rights groups, explaining the importance of ratification.

Silhouettes of women killed by family members in front of parliament. Photo: Jadran Boban

On April 13, the day of the parliamentary vote, Sanja and other activists placed silhouettes of women who had been murdered by their partners or close relatives at the entrance to the parliament building to remind MPs what they were voting for or against. In the end, 110  MPs voted in favor, 30 against, with two abstentions, and the Council of Europe Convention, best known as the Istanbul Convention, was ratified.

“Ratification will hopefully encourage all women survivors to find a way out of the circle of violence,” says Sanja. “Crucially, it also means that the government acknowledges violence against women as a serious issue that needs to be addressed structurally. Ratification moves us one step forward toward creation and ratification of a global treaty to end violence against women and girls.”

Out In Force

Everywoman Everywhere members were out in force at last month’s Commission on the Status of Women, an annual UN conference in New York City to promote gender equality, to share our purpose of a global treaty and ask for sign-ons. People were warm, receptive and enthusiastic—an indication that support for a global treaty to address violence against women and girls is spreading. This was evident in the number of new members who signed on as well: our numbers jumped by more than 500 to 1,836 members, in 142 nations, including 600 organizations. A huge thanks to everyone for their exhaustive work. Bravo!

As is our tradition at CSW, coalition members gathered at a coffeehouse midway through the conference. How wonderful it was to see everyone’s faces and hear updates on your work and lives. Here we share the powerful and poignant words of two members who spoke at the gathering.

Eleanor Nwadinobi, Everywoman Everywhere working group member; President, Widows Development Organisation (WiDO), Nigeria

A very warm welcome dear friends. Just before coming to this meeting, I was in the UN building sitting with a friend on a bench in the lobby when two ladies asking to join us. Of course, we invited them to sit and they immediately fished out their phone chargers. The closest socket was some meters away so they requested we move the bench closer. We agreed and the four of us proceeded to move the fairly heavy bench toward the socket. As we moved, I looked down at our hands and arms of different colours, and different muscular endowment, and what struck me was that no matter how different we are, once we have a singular, unified purpose, we can achieve our goals. In the same way that we moved furniture in the United Nations, we can shift the narrative, shift the agenda, shift the needle regarding the dignity and rights of every woman, and girl, everywhere. We have brought our different intellect, skills, expertise, experiences and stories and have woven the tapestry that is today, our global treaty on violence against women. The tapestry is made all the more beautiful by our diversity, and it is glued together by our singularity of purpose. It was so heartwarming to see our members on the cold streets of New York, and in the corridors of the parallel sessions, getting CSW attendees to sign up to bringing an end to violence against women, to sign up for zero tolerance, to sign up so that no longer would there be any hiding place for perpetrators of violence against women and girls. I look forward to going forward, just like a past political slogan of this country, we can really stand together, and say, ‘Yes We Can.’

Dr. Morissanda Kouyaté, Everywoman Everywhere working group member; Executive Director, Inter-African Committee (IAC), Ethiopia

It is an immense honor to be here among all those people who are very committed to the noble struggle for the restoration of the rights of women and girls. I would like to emphasize that we must be aware that some misconceptions must be abandoned, especially saying that we want to help women and girls for their rights; because helping someone assumes that the helper is in a better position than the person receiving the help. No! We are not helping girls and women to restore their rights; we are participating in their fight for their rights. They are the true fighters in the forefront. In this context, there is good news from Africa: The President of Guinea, Professor Alpha Condé, who held the leadership of the African Union in 2017, made great progress. Among other things, we must note his personal commitment and his appointment of some African heads of state in protecting the rights of women and girls. In this capacity, he appointed the President of Zambia, HE Edgar Lungu, as champion for the fight for the elimination of child marriage, while he himself has made great efforts against female genital mutilation. Since 2003, Africa has developed the Protocol of Maputo, which is one of the strongest documents protecting women and girls. So Africa is ready for our project of the Treaty on Violence against Women and Girls. The treaty is not only justified, but above all, possible, if we continue at this rhythm of work.


A Global Outcry: Advocates Urge UN For A Treaty

In 2016, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women, its causes and consequences, Ms. Dubravka Šimonović put out a global call for submissions asking for feedback on the adequacy of the current international legal framework on violence against women.

The call for input, which was published on the Special Rapporteur’s webpage, consisted of the following five questions:

1. Do you consider that there is a need for a separate legally binding treaty on violence against women with its separate monitoring body?

2. Do you consider that there is an incorporation gap of the international or regional human rights norms and standards?

3. Do you believe that there is a lack of implementation of the international and regional legislation into the domestic law?

4. Do you think that there is a fragmentation of policies and legislation to address gender-based violence?

5. Could you also provide your views on measures needed to address this normative and implementation gap and to accelerate prevention and elimination of violence against women?

The request for input was an important step in furthering the conversation of whether a new legal instrument is needed to address violence against girls and women worldwide. But in a recent report, the Special Rapporteur published points of views from human-rights mechanisms that were against a new treaty while downplaying the response from NGOs and members of civil society who are widely in favor of new a treaty. The lack of transparency mischaracterizes the fact that people around the world—survivors, frontline practitioners, lawyers, directors and staff of local and national nonprofits—are passionate and mobilized on this topic. They want a treaty, urgently.

In fact, the vast majority of submissions from civil society (at least 230 of the 291) called for a treaty. When people respond, their voices should be heard. What follows is a summary of the responses from advocates around the world, along with excerpts of their submissions, expressing their support for a new treaty on violence against girls and women.



There is no legally binding treaty addressing violence against girls and women and the absence has resulted in the lack of political will and global pressure necessary to implement current agreements. This includes CEDAW, the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, which is often cited a reason for not supporting the idea of new treaty.

Difference in culture is often used to justify State Parties’ resistance to implementing CEDAW recommendations, but that idea simply allows the cycle of violence against women to continue. The absence of a comprehensive, legally binding, definition of violence against women has also led to fragmented policies and legislation. As a result, State Parties do not feel compelled to focus on implementation efforts, despite persistent advocacy by a wide range of organizations and groups.

Respondents emphasized that CEDAW does not directly address violence; it addresses discrimination, which leaves “violence” open to legal interpretation. Therefore, State Parties are left to their own discretion to incorporate, or not incorporate, CEDAW, including General Recommendation 19 [and General Recommendation No. 35] into their local and national policy frameworks. This causes an irreconcilable gap in global norms and standards on violence against women.

What does this mean? Violence persists. Justice for survivors is limited, or non-existent. Families and communities suffer. Wages are lost. Local and national economies weaken. Violence against women and girls leads to an avalanche of negative consequences worldwide, affecting public health, economics, and national and global security.

“Yes there is a need for a separate legally binding treaty because there is no specific international legally binding document that addresses the gross violation of rights that is violence against women and girls. A separate monitoring body focused on violence against women and girls can ensure all countries are upholding their due diligence and a global high standard to protect women and girls and prevent violence.” – Anne Gamurorwa, Executive Director, Communication for Development Foundation, Uganda

“Without an international mandate that obliges states to use standardized definitions, set punitive actions, provide unconditional resources for survivors, and train public and private officials on response and prevention, no serious reduction of VAWG will take place, particularly in autocratic states.” – Hala Aldosari, PhD, Aminah, Saudi Arabia

“Violence against women is probably the most democratic in its incidence, since it occurs across all boundaries of creed, ethnicity, nationality, educational status and economic strata. Since it is a global phenomenon, all the more reason it should be treated not just a cultural off shoot of patriarchy, but as a crime against humanity and a gross and irrefutable violation of human right to life of dignity.” – Meera Khanna, Executive Vice President, The Guild of Service, India

“The current lack of a legally binding international legislation means governments must have the political will and drive to implement general recommendations and comments – they are not legally bound to uphold these obligations at present, so there is no accountability.” – Ruth Howlett, National Collective of Independent Women’s Refuge New Zealand

“Conflating violence against women and discrimination against women results in an inadequate or incomplete description of the legal concept of violence against women as its own human rights violation. Just like torture is better addressed in CAT than in the ICCPR, VAW would be better addressed in a separate treaty than in CEDAW.” – International Human Rights Clinic at Santa Clara University School of Law, California, USA

“Implementation of domestic policies could be greatly strengthened by a legally binding document holding governments to a specific level of accountability.” – Manizha Naderi, Executive Director, Women for Afghan Women, Afghanistan



A new legally binding treaty specific to violence against women and girls will close the legal gap by creating a clear definition of violence and specific steps for addressing it. This legal tool would create a mechanism for collective global action, placing the weight of the world behind every women’s rights advocate, lawyer, and practitioner around the world working to end this violence.

Violence against women and girls is a complex and intersecting issue that requires a comprehensive, systematic approach. Using the success of the Landmines Treaty, the Tobacco Treaty, and the example of Tunisia’s comprehensive new law on violence against women, a new treaty would mandate that nations take a proactive approach across all sectors. It would require:

  • Comprehensive legislative reform
  • Training responders
  • Support Services
  • Prevention education
  • Adequate funding

The establishment of a legally binding tool combined with global pressure from around the world creates a concrete solution to implementing programs, policies and standards across states.

The following 228 Everywoman Everywhere members responded to the UN Special Rapporteur’s call for submission on the adequacy of the legal framework on violence against women stating their support for a new treaty.

1 Anne Gamurorwa Africa
2 Fartun Abdisalaan Adan Africa
3 Selina Ahmed Asia
4 Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi Africa
5 Widad Akrawi Europe
6 Asmaa Al Ameen Middle East/ North Africa
7 Zainab Ali Khan Asia
8 Muhabat Ali Mangrio Asia
9 Naila Amin North America
10 Sana Amin Asia
11 Seden Anlar Europe
12 Ferdous Ara Begum Asia
13 Khadija Arfaoui Middle East/ North Africa
14 Carol Arinze-Umeobi Africa
15 Nadejda Atayeva Asia
16 Ruth Aura Africa
17 Naila Awad Middle East/ North Africa
18 Sama Aweidah Middle East/ North Africa
19 Adolf Awuku-Bekoe Africa
20 Alvaro Baca Latin America/ Caribbean
21 Kate Bailey North America
22 Fadoua Bakhadda Middle East/ North Africa
23 Amy Barrow Asia
24 Dr.Abdul Baseer Asia
25 Hayat Bearat North America
26 Munara Beknazarova Asia
27 Fenna ten Berge Europe
28 Miranda Berry North America
29 Vanessa Bettinson Europe
30 Charity Binka Africa
31 Zynab Binta Senesie Africa
32 Jackie Blue Oceania
33 Millicent Bogert North America
34 Abdelilah Bouasria Middle East/ North Africa
35 Petra Butler Oceania
36 Abdul Sattar Chachar Asia
37 Aabha Chaudhary Asia
38 Shazia Choudhry Europe
39 Tanyi Christian Africa
40 Vanessa Coria Castilla Latin America/ Caribbean
41 Annie Cossins Oceania
42 Dornida Cox Australia
43 Natalie Csengeri Asia
44 Paola Degani Asia
45 Manisha Desai North America
46 Visaka Dharmadasa Asia
47 Samira Djibo Africa
48 Jessica Doyle Europe
49 Sukhgerel Dugersuren Asia
50 Aliza Durand North America
51 Jo-Anne Dusel North America
52 Melvis Ebob Agbor Asia
53 Kate Edozieh Africa
54 Zine El Abidine Larhfiri Asia
55 Halah Eldoseri Middle East/ North Africa
56 Amany Elgarf Middle East/ North Africa
57 Ifeoma Enemo Africa
58 Natalie Eslick Oceania
59 Taskin Fahmina Asia
60 Dan Faull Europe
61 Evelyn Flores Latin America/ Caribbean
62 Beatrice Fofanah Africa
63 Veronique Fourment North America
64 Felicity Gerry Oceania
65 Heidi Guldbaek Oceania
66 Peg Hacskaylo North America
67 Nabila Haidary Asia
68 Michelle Hamilton North America
69 Ghada Hammam Africa
70 Claire Hammerton Oceania
71 Nabila Hamza Middle East/ North Africa
72 Raazia Hassan Naqvi North America
73 Angela Hefti Europe
74 Sara Hellali Asia
75 Caroline Herewini Oceania
76 Joyce Hewett Latin America/ Caribbean
77 Lisa Hoffman North America
78 Md. Liakat Hossain Khan Asia
79 Ruth Howlett Oceania
80 Mohammad Humayoun Asia
81 Mo Hume Europe
82 Rosemary Hunter Asia
83 Yuman Hussain Asia
84 Heather Ibrahim-Leathers North America
85 Ana Iglesias-Morel Europe
86 Matilda Ingabire Mutanguha Africa
87 Help Age International Asia
88 Sandra Iskander Oceania
89 Azra Jafari Asia
90 P.Imrana Jalal Asia
91 Kirthi Jayakumar Asia
92 Sandra Johansson Europe
93 Jackie Jones Europe
94 Talent Jumo Africa
95 Kabann Kabananukye Africa
96 Jean Kabongo Africa
97 Simi Kamal Asia
98 Gulsana Kangeldieva Asia
99 Sheena Kanwar Asia
100 Puja Kapai Asia
101 Zahra Karimi Mena
102 Stephanie Kennedy North America
103 Valerie Khan Asia
104 Hassan Khani Middle East/ North Africa
105 Hassan Khani Iurigh Mena
106 Meera Khanna Asia
107 Medea Khmelidze Europe
108 Samina Khushi Asia
109 Denise Kindschi Gosselin North America
110 Christine King Oceania
111 Sunita Kotnala Oceania
112 Morissanda Kouyaté Africa
113 Saida Kouzzi Middle East/ North Africa
114 Albena Koycheva Europe
115 Jack Kupferman North America
116 Nina Wolff Landau North America
117 Judy Lear North America
118 Ryan Lim Asia
119 Sisi Liu Asia
120 Ann-Marie Loebel Oceania
121 Sandra Lopez Latin America/ Caribbean
122 Misran Lubis Asia
123 Linda MacDonald North America
124 Shawn Macdonald North America
125 Truffy Maginnis Oceania
126 Namo Majeed Asia
127 Gulnara Mammadova Asia
128 Gladys Mbuyah Luku Africa
129 Frances McLennan Europe
130 Frances McLennan Asia
131 Nancy McLennan Europe
132 Susan McLucas North America
133 Ronagh McQuigg Europe
134 Monica McWilliams Europe
135 Fatima Mendikulova North America
136 Alexander Miamen Africa
137 Meherbano Mirzayee Middle East/ North Africa
138 Violeta Mocmcilovic Europe
139 Aleda MocMonagle North America
140 Sagrario Monedero Europe
141 NCAV Mongolia Asia
142 Suntariya Muanpawong Asia
143 Yolanda Munoz Gonzalez North America
144 Sylvanus Murray Africa
145 Virginia Muwanigwa Africa
146 Jude Muyanja North America
147 Manizha Naderi Asia
148 Hanifa Nakiryowa North America
149 Keerty Nakray Asia
150 Alice Nenneh James Africa
151 Joy Ngozi Ezeilo Africa
152 Savina Nongebatu Oceania
153 Martha Ntoipo Africa
154 Eleanor Nwadinobi Africa
155 Margaret Nwagbo Africa
156 Obioma Nwaorgu Africa
157 Laura Nyirinkindi Africa
158 Maria Pachon North America
159 Ivan David Pachon Latin America/ Caribbean
160 Shivani Pandit North America
161 Seyoung Park North America
162 Anarkalee Perera North America
163 Raluca Petre-Sandor Europe
164 Jocie Philistin Latin America/ Caribbean
165 Dushiyanthani Pillai Asia
166 Marina Pisklák-Parker Europe
167 Anu Radha Asia
168 Saira Rahman Khan Asia
169 Alina Ramirez Latin America/ Caribbean
170 David Richards North America
171 Francisco Rivera Latin America/ Caribbean
172 Lindsay Robertson North America
173 Helah Robinson North America
174 Carolyn Rodehau North America
175 América Romualdo Latin America/ Caribbean
176 Sopheap Ros Asia
177 Ratchneewan Ross North America
178 Rhona San Pedro Asia
179 Maria Montesinos Sanchez-Elvira Asia
180 Sanjana Sarnavka Europe
181 Jeanne Sarson North America
182 Andrew Saunders Europe
183 Denise Scotto North America
184 Anne Scully-Hill Asia
185 Katarzyna Sękowska-Kozłowska Europe
186 Michal Sela Europe
187 Tevita Seruilumi Oceania
188 Rashri Shamsunder North America
189 Lisa Shannon North America
190 Bhawani Shanker Kusum Asia
191 Susan Sharfman North America
192 Norma Shearer Asia
193 Hauwa Shekarau Africa
194 Shanta Shrestha Asia
195 Ramona Singh Latin America/ Caribbean
196 Joanna Smetek Europe
197 Samira Souley Middle East/ North Africa
198 Vidya Sri North America
199 Kelly Stoner North America – Tribal Lands
200 Krishna Prasad Subedi Asia
201 Orit Sulitzeanu Mena
202 Cris Sullivan North America
203 Reena Tandon North America
204 Laurie Tannous North America
205 Martha Tholanah Africa
206 Yeabu Tholley Africa
207 Whare Tiaki Oceania
208 Anne Todd Oceania
209 Safeer U Khan Asia
210 Rachel Uemoto North America
211 Zainab Umu Moseray Africa
212 Jinan Usta Middle East/ North Africa
213 Viola van Bogaert Latin America/ Caribbean
214 Natalie Wade Oceania
215 Monica Waqanisau Oceania
216 Richard Watson Europe
217 Elaine Webster Europe
218 Tim White North America
219 Liz Whiteman North America
220 Ken Willman Bordat Middle East/ North Africa
221 David Wofford North America
222 Pei Yuxin Asia
223 Farwa Zafar Asia
224 Marie Nyombo Zaina Africa
225 Association Marocaine des Droits Humains Africa
226 Centro de la Mujer Panameña Latin America/ Caribbean
227 NCAV Mongolia Asia
228 Training for Women Network Europe



Everywoman Everywhere is a coalition of individuals and organizations from 141 countries advancing a global treaty to eradicate violence against women and girls. Our members include more than 1,300 frontline practitioners, advocates and survivors of violence, and more than 550 organizations, including Human Rights Watch, Vital Voices and Futures Without Violence.

Everywoman Everywhere was incubated at the Initiative on Violence Against Women at the Carr Center for Human Rights, Harvard Kennedy School. Additional research revealed that the current international legal framework is insufficient for addressing this global crisis. Gaps in the law, and the mechanisms for implementation, leave millions of women and girls with little to no legal protection against violence or the recourse to seek justice. It became clear that a specific treaty on violence against girls and women would give advocates, practitioners, and world leaders the legally binding instrument necessary to hold nation states accountable.

Download this report: Global Outcry Advocates Urge UN for Treaty to End Violence Against Girls and Women

Inside Tunisia’s Historic Bill on Violence Against Women

Last summer, Tunisia’s parliament signed a bill that transforms its laws on violence against girls and women. The landmark legislation, which is scheduled to go into effect this month, was more than 20 years in the making, an effort led largely by the country’s strong women’s rights movement. We sat down via Skype with one of the movement’s early pioneers, Monia El Abed, a lawyer and member of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers — one of four groups awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 2015 — to learn what led to the law’s passage and what it means for Tunisian women.

Interview had been edited for length and clarity.

Welcome Monia and thank you for speaking with us. Can you explain why this bill is considered historic and groundbreaking?
It is a historic law, a landmark law because it’s the first time the national legislative body has recognized the concept of discrimination and gender violence in a bill. Not only is violence against women now in the penal code, the law is specific to women and girls. And it’s comprehensive. It defines violence precisely, whether it is psychological, verbal, or economical. And it engages the responsibility of various ministries and institutions in all areas. It forces each of them to work on protection, caring for women once they have pressed charges, ensuring the crimes do not go unpunished, and building awareness and prevention. The law was inspired by CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women) in the sense that it engages the state to prevent violence, to protect women and to have an action plan to limit gender-based violence.

What work went into getting this law passed?
It was a long process that started 20 years ago. Tunisia has a very strong feminist movement and back to the 1990s, the Tunisian Association of Democratic Women had a shelter for women victims of violence and we saw what was happening and began talking about changes. Other groups formed, including the Association of Tunisian Women for Research and Development (AFTURD), and the Coalition of Tunisian Women. The specifics of this law [raising the age of consent, doing away with marry-your-rapist laws, a comprehensive approach] came directly from these women’s associations. The law is a response to all our demands.

What was your personal involvement in this work?
I was at the shelter for the victims of violence in the 1990s working as a lawyer and represented women survivors in court. Later, I moved into research and at the request of the National Office For Family and Population, I studied the verdicts in domestic violence cases, looking closely at the mindset of the judges and the manner in which they ruled.

Also, as a member of the Tunisian Order of Lawyers, I helped create a women’s commission. We took apart existing laws and proposed laws in favor of women. We also organized seminars and advocacy sessions.

All of this ended up being important groundwork for what happened after the revolution in 2011. One party was trying to secure power and change our constitution, threatening women’s rights, and I worked with the Ministry of Women in an appeal to ensure our rights would be included and protected in the constitution.

What enabled this law to be passed now?
Because after the revolution, women were highly mobilized. At the legislative level, reforms were already underway due to the pressure of women activists. They led the plea to have a specific law that addressed all forms of gender violence. After the revolution, we saw a lot of violence against women and we mobilized for the adoption of a law that would crack down on all such acts of violence.

Do you believe the law will affect the lives of Tunisian women?
This law permeates every level of government and society. Training on addressing violence against women is now mandated for police officers on up to the public prosecutor and judges. Awareness on violence against women will be taught in elementary school, high school and at institutions of higher education. This is a guarantee. The law institutionalizes the prevention and protection of women. Of course, the application of laws is always difficult. It requires vigilance and mobilization of civil society and strong political will. It will take years, probably, but for me the law is something crucial we now have.

Human Rights Watch mentions funding as a critical step.
Yes, this will all require massive investment. We need training, we need guidance. International organizations are already involved. They are financing the training of lawyers, magistrates, police officers and staff at various ministries. The training includes general awareness regarding women’s place in society and respect for women. This is powerful. This is a law that is not just about judicial proceedings and caring for victims. It is a law designed to change mentalities and mindsets. It includes teaching the universal principle of the rights of women.

Why did you decide to join Everywoman Everywhere?
My friend Khadija Arfaoui [another Tunisian pioneering women’s rights advocate] and I are involved in many activities on women’s rights and she told me about this organization. I am very interested in what happens in other countries, as the status of women is not specific to one nation. We must evolve collectively towards identical rights and equality for all, men and women. I liked the word “Everywhere” in your name. It asks the question, how do we create a link between women in the United States, in Bangladesh, and in Libya and other parts of the world? We have a common cause. Our project is equality for all. For this reason, I find myself joining your organization. It is research and work that is making us all richer.

FURTHER READING: New law “radicalizes the perception of violence against women.”